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Bildungswesen in Xinjiang
Jun 6th, 2017 by Gao

Die chinesische Regierung hat seit einigen Jahren Absolvent_innen der sogenannten „zweisprachigen“ Mittelschulen systematisch privilegiert. (Das sind Mittelschulen, deren Zweisprachigkeit darin besteht, dass die Muttersprache der Schüler_innen nicht Chinesisch, die Unterrichtssprache jedoch ausschließlich Chinesisch ist.)

Adrian Zenz: Problematic Privilege in Xinjiang (Diplomat)

On April 12, China’s Ministry of Education announced that the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), the restive Muslim province in China’s far west, would no longer provide added points to university entrance exam applicants from bilingual educational tracks. Bilingual education was established in 2004 with the aim to promote Chinese language education among the region’s ethnic minorities, especially the Uyghurs. In the bilingual system, the role of the minority language is typically restricted to that of a single language subject, creating a highly immersive Chinese language environment.

2016年新疆高考各批次录取分数线正式公布(新疆维吾尔自治区教育厅 / Xinjiang Uyƣur Aptonom Rayonluⱪ maarip nazariti)

6月26日,自治区招生办公布了2016年新疆普通高考各批次最低投档控制分数线。

第二代民族政策探讨(中国民族宗教网)

第二代民族政策是清华大学国情研究中心主任胡鞍钢与胡联合,以及北京大学社会学系教授马戎提出来的民族政策思路,倡导推行淡化族群意识和56个民族的观念,强化中华民族的身份意识和身份认同,推进中华民族一体化和国家认同的政策。第二代民族政策的指导思想是效仿美国的民族大熔炉模式,不容许任何一个族群生活在一块属于自己的历史疆域内。

James Leibold: Ethnic Policy in China: Is Reform Inevitable? Policy Studies 68 (2013) (PDF, East-West Centre)

There are … signs that interethnic conflict may be growing as free-market forces and increased interethnic communication and mobility intensifies ethnic-based competition… Amid this perception of crisis, Chinese academics, policymakers, and other thought-leaders are engaged in unprecedented debate over the future direction of their country’s ethnic policies… A “melting pot” model is increasingly being accepted as better for de-emphasizing ethnic consciousness, improving ethnic relations and solidifying national unity in the long run… Barry Sautman argues that [these] proposals to “curb minority rights” “emanate from a small number of Chinese academics” yet “reflect a prominent strand of thinking about ethnic policies”.

Ma Rong: The development of minority education and the practice of bilingual education in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. (PDF, Case Western Reserve University)

Taiwan
Aug 29th, 2016 by Gao

丘琦欣:華文世界中的「左獨」與「左統」(破土) Brian Hioe: The pro-independence left versus the pro-unification left in the Sinophone world (New Bloom)

目前,隨著社會民主黨、時代力量黨、自由台灣黨等第三勢力左傾政黨先後成立,似乎已經開啓了一個台灣左翼復興的時代,或許也是台灣歷史上政治左翼第一次成為可能。畢竟,經過威權時期國民黨長期動用國家力量強制推行,將共產中國呈現為1949年至今台灣主權存續最大威脅的反共教育,台灣社會對於任何自我標榜為政治左翼的團體都是很有敵意的。

With the rise of new, Left-leaning third parties as the Social Democratic Party, the New Power Party, and the Free Taiwan Party, the present seems like an era of a resurgent Taiwanese Left. Or perhaps the present represents an era in which a political Left seems possible for the first time in Taiwanese history. After all, after so many years of state-enforced anti-communism at the hands of the KMT during the authoritarian period, and that has Communist China presented the most pressing threat to Taiwan’s continued sovereignty since 1949, Taiwanese society was rather hostile towards any self-proclaimed political Left.

洪凌:秩序之虐:太陽花/大腸花的排遺與孽瘴(苦勞網)

約莫在3月20日,佔領立法院行動第三天,我的情人(香港公民,堪稱良善自由主義者與中產階級,對於香港近年來的反中驅蝗動員極度不安且不贊成)詢問我,是否支持這場異議與激化的佔領。從反服貿的起初動員到近期的佔領立院,只要稍微有注意到相關脈絡與背後的意識型態操作,很難不得知是在反中恐共、型塑強烈異族恐懼的基礎上,進行政治正確的排拒強權大國(super power)之名。不過,「攻堅佔領」國家機器代議廳堂的動作,畢竟讓人驚訝且精神一振,甚至連我也不例外;再者,當時攻入的成員包括我認識的許多性/別異議者與激進社運成員。於是,距今三個星期以前,我告訴情人的答案是:「或許在主導意識形態戰場上,這是和我並不契合的戰役,但樂見騷亂體制的渾沌能量捲起更多的辯論與異質行動。」

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