SIDEBAR
»
S
I
D
E
B
A
R
«
Wukan
Dez 28th, 2016 by Gao

China jails nine over protests in Guangdong “democracy” village (South China Morning Post)

Nine Guangdong villagers have been jail for up to 10 years for taking part in protests in September in a community once seen as a symbol of grass-roots democracy in China.
Villagers in Wukan, 170km northeast of Hong Kong, expressed frustration over the sentencing, which critics said was a warning to others not to stage similar demonstrations.

Wong Lok-to, Ding Wenqi: China Jails Nine Protesters From Guangdong’s Rebel Village of Wukan (Radio Free Asia)

Authorities in the southern Chinese province of Guangdong have handed down jail terms of up to 10 years to nine residents of the rebel village of Wukan following months of mass protests earlier in the year.
Wei Yonghan, Yang Jinzhen, Hong Yongzhong, Wu Fang, Zhuang Songkun, Cai Jialin, Li Chulu, Chen Suzhuan, and Zhang Bingchai stood trial on Dec. 17, mostly on a variety of public order charges, former Wukan resident Zhuang Liehong told RFA.
They were handed prison sentences in on Monday ranging from two to 10 years, he said.
Prosecutors said fellow protester Zhang Bingchai had „published false information via WeChat and manufactured rumors, which had a deleterious effect in the community.“
Wei Yonghan and Yang Jinzhen were found guilty of „organizing and inciting the villagers of Wukan to attend illegal meetings, demonstrations.“
Wei was also convicted of inciting villagers and „other members of the public“ to confrontation with police, throwing stones and bricks at them, and injuring police officers on duty.
Meanwhile, protesters Li Chulu, Cai Jialin, and Zhuang Songkun „rode their motorcycles to intercept passing vehicles, causing serious disruption to traffic,“ according to an indictment notice issued by the Haifeng District People’s Court, which tried them.

Jeffrey Wasserstrom, David Bandurski: From Diamond Village to Wukan (Los Angeles Review of Books)

Protests broke out again in Wukan a couple of months ago after the democratically elected leader of the village, Lin Zulian, was jailed for corruption. He made a public confession on Chinese state television. When the villagers staged more protests in response to what all signs point to as a spurious prosecution and a forced public confession, riot police moved in, arresting villagers. Anxious to avoid a repeat of events in 2011, the authorities were also far more aggressive in dealing with foreign journalists trying to cover the story. I think this was retribution, four years delayed, against the village of Wukan for an experiment many Communist Party leaders surely saw as a dangerous precedent.
This experiment was, in my view, doomed from the start. How could the elected leaders possibly hope to resolve these land issues when leaders at every level over their heads had been complicit, and not only hoped their experiment would fail but had a clear interest in seeing land deals of this kind continue? The Financial Times reported in 2011 that 40 percent of local government revenue in this part of Guangdong came from land financing, basically the sale of cheap village land to property developers. In many cities, the percentage is even higher, and the incentive to take village land for profit is a huge driver of the kinds of cases of abuse and resistance I document.

Qiao Long, Zhuang Liehong: ‚We Called on Trump For Justice in Wukan‘ (Radio Free Asia)
Rammie Chui, Zoe Lai: Behind the scenes: The mainland journalist who writes about China’s human rights (Hong Kong Free Press)

Arbeiterbewegung
Jan 30th, 2016 by Gao

Daniel Reineke, 
Christoph Plutte: Chinas unruhige Arbeiter (Neues Deutschland)

Die Nachrichten aus China über Verhaftungen regierungskritischer AktivistInnen, Streiks und Börseneinbrüche reißen nicht ab. Die Zahl der Arbeitskämpfe in den Weltmarktfabriken im »Reich der Mitte« ist im vergangenen Halbjahr deutlich gestiegen und mit ihnen die staatliche Repression: Seit Anfang Dezember wurden mindestens 40 ArbeiteraktivistInnen und UnterstützerInnen von Arbeiterorganisationen vorübergehend in Polizeigewahrsam genommen und verhört. Gegen vier von ihnen wird nun strafrechtlich ermittelt, die Anklagen lauten auf »Aufruf zur Versammlung und Störung öffentlicher Ordnung« bzw. »Veruntreuung«.
Die jüngste Verhaftungswelle richtete sich gegen das Dagongzu Arbeiterzentrum in Guangzhou und drei ähnliche Einrichtungen, die insbesondere WanderarbeiterInnen in Rechtsstreits, im Falle von Arbeitsunfällen und bei Lohnkämpfen im Perlflussdelta unterstützen. Die Festnahmen stellen hinsichtlich der Anzahl der Betroffenen und der Schwere der Vorwürfe die bisher schärfste Repression gegen unabhängige Arbeiterorganisationen und Labour-NGOs dar. Was aber sind die Hintergründe für diese Verschärfung der Klassenkämpfe?

Petra Kolonko: Streikverbot in der Werkhalle der Welt (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung)

Nach den Verhaftungen von Menschenrechtsanwälten im vergangenen Jahr geht die chinesische Regierung nun auch gegen Arbeiterrechtler vor. Am Sonntag wurde bekannt, dass Anklage gegen fünf Arbeiteraktivisten in Südchina erhoben wurde, darunter auch gegen Zeng Feiyang, den Leiter des privaten Panyu-Wanderarbeiter-Zentrums. Vier Aktivisten wird vorgeworfen, die soziale Ordnung gestört zu haben, ein fünfter wird der Unterschlagung beschuldigt. Ende vergangenen Jahres hatten die Sicherheitsbehörden in der südchinesischen Metropole Guangzhou Aktivisten von vier verschiedenen Nichtregierungsorganisationen festgenommen, die Arbeitern bei Disputen und Arbeitskämpfen unterstützten. Bislang wurde den Beschuldigten jeder Kontakt mit Anwälten mit der Begründung verboten, es handle sich um Fälle, in denen die „nationale Sicherheit“ gefährdet sei. …
Die Verhaftung der vier prominenten Aktivisten sendet nun eine deutliche Warnung an Mitstreiter. Die Nachrichtenagentur Xinhua hat noch vor der Anklageerhebung den Aktivisten vorgeworfen, vom Ausland gesteuert zu sein und die Arbeiter zu Streiks angestiftet zu haben.

Workers in a Workers’ State (Jacobin)

The Chinese state has dramatically escalated repression against workers organizations.
On December 3, four workers organizations in the southern manufacturing hubs of Guangzhou and Foshan came under attack from Chinese authorities. Dozens of staff, family members, and affiliated workers were questioned, and seven remained in custody for over a month. Four have now been formally charged: three of them for “assembling a crowd to disrupt social order” and one for “embezzlement.” …
The repression represents a deliberate response to a cluster of economic and social contradictions confronting the ruling Communist Party: the economic challenge of managing an economy increasingly plagued by capitalist dynamics of crisis (as manifested in the 2015 stock market crash, which occurred despite significant state control and regulation); the political challenge of rescuing the party from a legitimation crisis (which has sparked the expulsion of tens of thousands of party leaders and government bureaucrats); and the social challenge of containing popular movements…
The authorities are doing their best to present the latest crackdown as entirely lawful. Instead of harassing and arbitrarily detaining activists as it has done in the past, the state is trying to build airtight legal cases against them.
This change in tactics — reminiscent of how liberal democratic states sometimes handle militant trade unionists — risks setting a dangerous legal precedent. It not only criminalizes otherwise lawful activities, but normalizes such criminalization.
The thinly veiled abuse of the legal process has been complemented by a not-so-subtle smear campaign in the state media. While disgraced celebrities and officials have been on the receiving end of such tactics before, targeting labor activists constitutes a new level of repression.
Broadcast on the main state television station in late December, the smear campaign alleged financial and moral misconduct as well as ulterior political motives, specifically against Zeng Feiyang.

工弩:不许抹黑工人运动!理直气壮捍卫尊严!(红色中国)

讨薪女工周秀云被活活打死的一年后,却发生了又一件打压和抹黑工人抗争的空前事件,仍在全国范围内酝酿着舆论影响。本月3日开始,广东省多家劳工ngo机构多达二十多名劳工工作者与工友先后被警方秘密带走,最新消息是已经增加到多达五名劳工工作者(先后为何晓波、朱小梅、曾飞洋、邓小明、彭家勇)竟遭到刑事拘留,另有两名劳工工作者失联(孟晗、汤建[前劳工机构实习者])。在一贯用高压统治维持资本家血汗工厂的天朝“国情”下,数千万外来工聚集的广东最近五、六年工人运动才初现雏形;作为全国唯一较有组织的工人运动,广东的工人运动其实仍是很初步的阶段。而其实一直是小心翼翼走在广东初生工运最前列的一部分力量,却竟然遭到了史无前例的最严厉打压,已经存在了十几年的劳工机构最基本的生存权第一次遭到了生死存亡的威胁。
可是,更加让我们深深担忧的是,四人中至少有三人(朱、曾、邓)被指控涉嫌“聚众扰乱社会秩序罪”,而他们不过是在最近几年指导了大量工人集体行动——从珠宝厂工人到医院的护工和保安,从大学城环卫工到鞋厂工人——协助过千千万万的工人赢得了集体谈判和应有的利益。无论是罢工、工人集会、集体请愿等工人集体行动本身,还是任何使这些集体行动成为有组织运动的努力,都决不等于“聚众扰乱社会秩序罪”。这样的指控罪名,从一开始就是最耸人听闻、最卑劣可耻的抹黑和污蔑!正如有工友在声援中说的,政府有种就把全国所有罢工的人都抓起来,看看抓不抓得完!一切有斗争觉悟的工人都决不答应这种打压,决不许抹黑工人运动!

Übersetzung ins Englische:
Slandering of the Workers’ Movement Will Not Be Permitted (Chuang)
韩东方:对《人民日报》关于“番禺打工族服务部”主任曾飞洋先生报道的回应(墙外楼)

2015 年 12 月 23 日,贵报发表了记者张璁撰写的一篇新闻报道(责任编辑:曹昆),题为“大量接受境外组织资金,操纵罢工,升级劳资矛盾,玷污公益之名敛财骗色——起底‘工运之星’真面目”……该篇报道的标题及内容所用词句,充满国人早已深恶痛绝的煽动对立、制造仇恨的“文革”话语逻辑。好像“境外组织资金”就是妖魔鬼怪,只要跟境外资金扯上关系,不管是做什么,便其心可诛。难道,贵报从总编辑到记者们的眼里,这个世界,我们的国家,人与人之间,真的已经晦暗到了只剩下“拉拢”和被拉拢的关系,只有骗子、傻子、袖手旁观者和落井下石者这几种人吗?难道,在你们的内心世界,早已不再有志同道合者吗?不再有为了共同理想和精神追求合作奋斗这回事吗?不再有工人阶级的阶级感情这种东西吗?更不再有基于这种阶级情怀,对中国工人阶级所受苦难不忍冷眼旁观,不齿于弥漫于街头巷尾和办公大楼里心口不一的假卫道士,从而愿意坐言起行改变现状的理想主义者吗?难道,在我们这个工人阶级为领导阶级,社会主义为根本制度的国家,“境外资本”可以践踏劳动法律法规,“境外老板”可以肆意侵害我国工人合法权益,并能够得到包括贵报在内的权势者的保驾护航,而包括“中国劳工通讯”在内的“境外组织”,帮助那些遭受境外资本和境外老板剥削的工人,争取合法权益,反倒应该受到打压,甚至遭受牢狱之灾吗?

Übersetzung ins Englische von David Bandurski:
Han Dongfang: A reply to the People’s Daily report on the director of the Panyu Workers Service Centre, Zeng Feiyang (China Labour Bulletin)

SIDEBAR
»
S
I
D
E
B
A
R
«
»  Host:Blogsport   »  Code:WordPress   »  Style:Ahren Ahimsa